Best How to Blow Up a Pipeline: Learning to Fight in a World on Fire By Andreas Malm
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Ebook About The science on climate change has been clear for a very long time now. Yet despite decades of appeals, mass street protests, petition campaigns, and peaceful demonstrations, we are still facing a booming fossil fuel industry, rising seas, rising emission levels, and a rising temperature. With the stakes so high, why haven't we moved beyond peaceful protest? In this lyrical manifesto, noted climate scholar (and saboteur of SUV tires and coal mines) Andreas Malm makes an impassioned call for the climate movement to escalate its tactics in the face of ecological collapse. We need, he argues, to force fossil fuel extraction to stop--with our actions, with our bodies, and by defusing and destroying its tools. We need, in short, to start blowing up some oil pipelines.Offering a counter-history of how mass popular change has occurred, from the democratic revolutions overthrowing dictators to the movement against apartheid and for women's suffrage, Malm argues that the strategic acceptance of property destruction and violence has been the only route for revolutionary change. In a braided narrative that moves from the forests of Germany and the streets of London to the deserts of Iraq, Malm offers us an incisive discussion of the politics and ethics of pacifism and violence, democracy and social change, strategy and tactics, and a movement compelled by both the heart and the mind. Here is how we fight in a world on fire.Book How to Blow Up a Pipeline: Learning to Fight in a World on Fire Review :
This is a short book, around a quarter of which is made up of endnotes (which are not marked in the text but listed by page number in a separate section at the end). The author is a native Swede but writes English in a simple and graceful way. The book is a call for the climate change movement to consider targeted property destruction and sabotage as a tactic in addition to more conventional non-violent methods of protests.The property targeted he has in mind is that related to CO2 emitting devices that fall under the rubric of luxury emissions--such as luxury yachts--as well as fossil fuel infrastructure. He is against the destruction of CO2 emitting devices used for subsistence purposes, such as those an Indian peasant might use.He dismisses the sabotage and other property destruction committed by deep ecology activists (representing Earth First!, Earth Liberation Front, Animal Liberation Front and individuals acting independently): he disagrees with their desire to destroy the foundations of human civilization. However he indicates some positive feeling as to the virtually total extent deep ecologists avoided casualties in well over 10000 violent actions against property over the course of several decades. During that time four people were killed by deep ecology violence: three by the unabomber and one ( Dutch politician Pim Fortuyn) by an assassin. Neither Fortuyn’s assassin nor the Unabomber were associated with EF!, ELF or ALF. Overall, he thinks deep ecology is bad, not simply because of their highly problematic ideology but because they were isolated from any popular movement and their acts of property destruction had no effect on the evolution of environmental destruction.The first part of the book contains criticisms of the fetishization of non-violent protest advanced by activists like Bill McKibben and the folks in Extinction Rebellion (XR)--along with the Maria J Stephan and Erica Chenoweth book on non-violence which is revered by XR founders. The author points to the acceptance of the unavoidable need for some form of violence--if only against property and governmental institutions-- by social movements in recent history. The British suffragettes of the early twentieth century engaged in extensive property destruction, even arson. Successful revolutions in Egypt and Iran (against the Shah) featured destructive attacks on government buildings and seizure of military installations. Bill McKibben reveres Gandhi as an apostle of non-violence but the Mahatma apparently limited his injunctions against non-violence to resistance against British imperialism and personally strove unsuccessfully but very earnestly to procure a combat role in the British army during the Boer War and World War I. The African National Congress conducted a war of sabotage in an attempt to to undermine South African apartheid. Civil rights activists in the US southern states--including Martin Luther King--carried firearms for self-protection.As a model for property destruction, he seems to hold in high regard the actions of Jessica Reznicek and Ruby Montoya, the Catholic Worker activists arrested in the US during 2019 for acts of sabotage against the Dakota Access pipeline. He also holds in high regard the Ende Galande civil disobedience movement in eastern Germany. The author describes his personal involvement in an Ende Galande action against coal powered electrical plants in eastern Germany which were owned at the time by Vatenfall, a Swedish government owned corporation. Vattenfall also owned a nearby mine devoted to extraction of the particularly dirty brown coal which powered the electrical plants. The activities of the author and his comrades culminated in them destroying two fences that blocked their way into the power plants and entering the grounds of the plant where they had little idea about what to do next. The destruction of the fencing was vehemently denounced as a dastardly criminal act by local politicians and media (eastern Germany has given significant support to the far right, climate denying, pro-coal AfD party). In Sweden, the Green Party leader declared that were his party to enter government, the Vatenfall brown coal operation would be shut down. The Greens soon entered a coalition government with the Social Democrats; however the Vatenfall brown coal operation was not shut down but sold to a consortium of Czech investors. These investors soon shelved plans to expand the mining operation at the former Vatenfall site, a small victory for Ende Galande.The author argues that violence against property should receive serious consideration in light of the grave urgency of climate change. Politicians are hopeless: mouthing pretty words about environmental protection but dominated in policy making by fossil fuel industries. Legal, respectable tactics have their place but the author believes that the climate movement needs a radical flank advocating and performing militant tactics that will scare the crap out of our world’s elites, who will then make concessions to movement moderates in order to take the steam out of the radicals. He believes that violence against property emitting destructive fossil fuel emissions will acquire more popular support as the damage caused by climate change becomes more apparent.The author devotes a portion to criticizing the writings of eco-fatalists like Roy Scranton and Timothy Morton; and praises XR for bringing the climate issue to the center of British public attention in 2019. He also criticizes them for an incident in which white XR members performingcivil disobedience aroused the ire of largely non-white commuters at a tube (subway) station in East London. He believes the incident illuminated a narrow, white middle class outlook prevalent in the group. I suppose this book has most value to environmental activists as a motivational tool to shake them out of an attachment to respectability politics and hopefully broaden their imaginations a little.My biggest issue with the book is that the author throws out numerous examples of sabotage against fossil fuel infrastructure and other property conducted by third world liberation movements in recent history but dosen't adequately elaborate as to how lessons from such actions (if any) can guide efficacious advance of progressive environmental goals today. He mentions the ghetto riots in the United States of 1967-68 as an example of property destruction producing concessions from the ruling class; however I think this is a poor example. The two housing bills passed by Congress in 1968 were mostly toothless; the blacklash against civil rights and the advance of neoliberalism were not hindered in the long term. Also, I'm not sure that the September 2019 Houthi drone attack on Saudi oil production facilities is an example of an efficacious tactic. Andreas Malm (b. 1976) is a Swedish academic and activist working to save the ecosystem from the fossil fuel industry. This 161-page book is a well-reasoned argument that the climate movement needs to move to the use of direct action in addition to marches and civil disobedience. Sabotage.The first section, "Learning From Past Struggles" (5-63) marshals historic evidence to show that the claims made by some activists about the strictly non-violent nature of certain social movements is inaccurate. From the movement against slavery, to the suffragettes, to the movement for Indian independence, to the Civil Rights Movement and the ANC in South Africa, the use of direct action involving property damage was in fact an important part of the tactical arsenal. Malm argues for the sociological social movement theory concept of the "radical flank effect" (Haines 1988) where a radical wing of a movement pushes the authorities to negotiate with and meet the demands of a more moderate wing.In the central section, "Breaking the Spell" (65-132) Malm makes an ethical argument for direct action. There are those who see damage to property as non-violence since it does not harm people. Malm rejects that view, accepting the prevailing view that property damage is a form of violence, but making a crucial distinction between violence to property and violence to people. He makes the utilitarian argument that given the failure of corporations and governments to act, the climate movement must begin to escalate its tactics to shut down the fossil fuel infrastructure. Not in a haphazard way, but deliberately and carefully. He uses the example of two young women who sabotaged the Dakota Access Pipeline in Iowa as a prime example. And he excoriates the Extinction Rebellion group in London for blocking a train taking working class people to work as a perfect negative example of how to choose targets.Finally, in the last section "Fighting Despair" (133-161) he argues with Roy Scranton, Jonathan Franzen, and others who have publicly declared that "resistance is futile" and that we should just accept inevitable doom. This is fine until he comes to radical environmentalists of the period before his activism -- Earth First! chief among them. He dismisses these organizations committed to sabotage, or ecotage, as ineffectual because "[t]hey were not performed in a dynamic relation to a mass movement, but largely in a void" (155). He is wrong about that -- I have both academic and activist knowledge of the subject -- and he might be surprised to find that some of the tactics he promotes associated with the excellent German anti-coal group Ende Gelände are taken right out of the Earth First! repertoire. But that doesn't detract from his main argument.*** *** ***This provocatively titled book makes an important contribution to the movement, I hope it is widely read, debated, and applied.Malm's two previous books are also superb: "Fossil Capital" (2016), the published version of his Ph.D. dissertation, and "The Progress of This Storm" (2018), in which he takes on the influential theory of Bruno Latour. 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